территорий силами самих жителей, на примере движения Сэмаыль. На наш взгляд — это начало важной дискуссии и нового дискурса, который может быть продолжен представителями различных направлений в психологии, а также специалистами смежных наук. Мы приглашаем коллег к этой дискуссии.

For whom does the dawn bell toll? The factors of effectiveness of spatial development projects using the example of South Korea's Saemaul movement[114]

Elena Kim, Natalia Gladkikh

DOI 10.55140/2782-5817-2024-4-1-104-114

Natalia Gladkikh

PhD in Psychology, Leading Expert Institute of Social and Economic Design at the Higher School of Economics

Elena Kim

PhD student and participant in the strategic project “Human Success and Autonomy in a Changing World” at the National Research University Higher School of Economics

The Saemaul Movement[115] was born during the presidency of Park Chung-hee, who stands as both a key person in the “Miracle on the Han River” and a controversial figure, accused of usurpation and dictatorship. Thus, in discussing the remarkable transformation of the Republic of Korea from a war-torn backwater to a global economic powerhouse, one must grasp the intricate, multifaceted narrative that extends beyond the analysis of a single social phenomenon. The statistics are undeniably impressive: since the inception of the Saemaul Movement, GNP per capita has surged from $257 in 1970 to $1394 in 1979, and to $4934 by 1989[116]. As of 2023, according to the Bank of Korea, GNP per capita has reached an average of $33,000.

Undoubtedly, such an economic leap demanded the diverse efforts of the Korean populace, including those in agrarian regions, which were the primary focus of the Saemaul Movement’s influence.

One of the movement’s objectives was a sort of mental revolution, a shift in the mindset of rural inhabitants to reclaim responsibility for their lives, thus paving the way for proactive and initiative-driven farming. It’s evident that something within this framework proved effective. But what exactly?

This article aims to analyze the psychological phenomena that likely not only birthed this unique initiative but also sustained its implementation over half a century, facilitating its expansion into other economic sectors and even other nations. While much has been written about the Saemaul Movement — its phases, content, and critique — we find it crucial to delve deeper into this phenomenon, identifying the internal, psychological, and universal factors that resonate with people’s hearts in the context of Saemaul and similar movements aimed at fostering community development. Without claiming to conduct a comprehensive scholarly study, we attempt to propose several hypotheses that can serve as a foundation for further reflection and research.

THE THREE PILLARS OF THE SAEMAUL MOVEMENT

Let’s start with the basics. The goal of the Saemaul Movement is formulated as follows: “To change our villages for the better.” From the outset, this goal was reinforced by President Park Chung-hee’s rallying cry: "We Can!".[117]

The movement’s flag features a yellow circle symbolizing interaction, wealth, and boundless potential. And the three green leaves represent the hope for success, stemming from the movement’s three pillars: industriousness, self-help, and cooperation.

INDUSTRIOUSNESS

Industriousness is one of the first associations that comes to mind when you think of Korea and Koreans. According to the psychological definition, industriousness is a character trait characterized by a positive attitude toward labor. It manifests in activity, initiative, conscientiousness, passion, and satisfaction derived from the labor process itself.

Psychologically, industriousness implies viewing labor as life’s core meaning, a necessity, and a habit[118].

On one hand, it’s logical to base a reform movement on traits inherent to the populace. Simultaneously, the ideological shift, the mental revolution that was part of the Saemaul Movement, elevated this industriousness to new heights — creating competition among villages. Consequently, after the program’s first year, over 6,000 villages were excluded from the state program due to underperformance, while the remainder received additional resources and rewards from the state. By the end of the movement’s first decade (by 1979), two-thirds of Korean villages demonstrated sustainable viability, with the number of “lazy” villages dwindling annually.

Hence, we can assert that the competitive spirit of industriousness was supported and enhanced by the Korean state apparatus. This approach aligned with Park Chung-hee’s policy of fostering greater individualism among Koreans. Consequently, in the initial years following the Saemaul Movement’s inception, many rural households participating in the program achieved substantial economic growth and, most importantly, ensured stable food security for themselves and their communities[119]. Thus, industriousness, as a national trait of the Korean people, became a fundamental psychological factor contributing to the Saemaul Movement’s success in Korea.

SELF-HELP

Self-help, as one of the three main pillars of the movement, points to a complex set of internal processes involving belief in oneself, one’s own strength, the strength of one’s community, and the willingness to tap into personal and communal resources to improve one’s life and the life of the community.

For the modern individual, self-help is primarily associated with the American ethos[120], emphasizing individual success and fulfillment. Major psychological concepts in this field develop various tools for self-regulation, self-knowledge, and self-development.

But what did Koreans mean by this concept half a century ago? In the context of the Saemaul Movement, self-help was primarily understood as a sense of authorship, a responsibility for the role each person plays in the